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A Manne for all Seasons
by Daniel Batt
Zadok Perspectives Issue No. 62
Spring/Summer 1998/1999
Part 2
You have mentioned that radical
individualism is the sin of the '90s.
There was a time in our society that
the individual didn't have enough freedom, there might have been too much
constraint in the moral areas or whatever. In the last 20 or 30 years-since
the '60s really-there has been an incredible social change in which the
balance between obligation and individual freedom has really swung towards
individual freedom. Some of the cost are beginning to turn up in the next
generation in the sense of anxiety and despair that the younger generation
feel, and the terrible mess people make of their lives when the principle
of freedom has been the only principle.
But I was talking to a group students the other day and they were beginning
to sing the praises of community in a way that I liked. But I said, on
the other hand, let's think about the community of the '50s-they were
talking about what suburban Australia was like-and I said, "Well,
let's think that one of the young women in the street became pregnant
by accident. Think of how punitively she would have been treated at that
time. She would have been asked to leave (if they had been non-religious
maybe they would have had an abortion or whatever), rather than the idea
she might have a child in that street." So in other words: the closeness
of that time also had a darker side.
Is there a sense to which the constraints
on our freedom are overplayed by the libertarians, because they feel that
the barricades must always be manned?
Oh, I think they are. They are fighting
an old war they cannot stop fighting, which they won 25 years ago. When
I was a young person there was an absurdly restrictive Victorian kind
of culture and it was absolutely right that that was fought against. Philip
Adams won, but he won probably by 1970 or at the latest by 1973.
This really frustrates me, actually. The simplest example is that international
raid on paedophile pornography. Now I didn't hear one civil libertarian
say that it was outrage that these people were arrested. But I have been
saying to people like Philip Adams and Terry Lane for a very long time,
"You do believe in censorship. You must! You can't possibly want
a world in which certain kinds of images are created for the pleasure
of male libido or whatever"-and they always concede the particular
case but the next minute they say again: "I'm against censorship."
David Marr in The Retreat from Tolerance
gets very passionate about the gay, pornographic film called Hustler White
in which there is a pseudo rape scene where a person is slashed with a
knife, which was kept in the film, and also burnt with a cigarette, which
was cut from the film. Now he makes a big deal about the Office of Film
and Literature Classifications asking 'why did they keep the slashing
in and not the burning?' But when I read this I thought, is this really
an outrage? Has it got this absurd?
Oh, I think that it has. It's like all
ideologies; ideology can't cope with even slight set-backs. To take another
example: I got interested in the economic debate and, because I'm rather
sceptical by nature, I do not think the that skies will fall in if, for
example, a certain amount of tariff protection is given to the motor industry.
But to the people we call "economic rationalists", any concession
on the tariff front was regarded as the end of the world. I think it is
the nature of over schematised ideological thinking that leads David Marr
to think what from a normal point of view is a trivial event has enormous
symbolic importance.
Orwell wrote a wonderful essay called "Notes on Nationalism"
where he put his finger on this kind of ideological thinking-that somehow,
once religion as a dominant way of thinking went, it was replaced by this
very schematic way thinking. Havel the great Czech writer calls it the
ideology of the "low rent room" which people have fled to in
the absence of something larger and with more stability. Libertarianism
is a small version of this "low rent room", where if you can
only allow the principle of freedom to run rampant, everything, all the
big questions can be solved for you.
How are your politics perceived by your students?
I don't think I'm perceived as an ideologue, because I'm not. I'd be astonished
if they'd didn't see that I was interested in what they had to say.
They probably think that I'm from a very remote generation, which they
find difficult to understand. I do feel, when we get beyond a certain
point, that there is a terrific gap in world views.
But do they share your view on radical
individualism being the sin of the '90s?
I don't think they'd put it like that
because they tend not to generalise in those ways. They would, however,
find that their values are very much those of moral individualism and
they'd feel any restrictions to be pretty onerous. They wouldn't like
them and they wouldn't understand how they could be anything other then
authoritarian. I think the central value for most students is values of
choice and any sense that there might be some restriction on choice is
an almost impossibly obscure idea.
I don't understand it because choice seems to me such a thin ideal. I
mean, who would die for choice? It seems not to be full of any kind of
real human content. In order to combat the idea of choice you have to
have some idea of the possibility of human beings falling into bad ways-the
vulnerability of human beings to evil and the capacity to give in to temptation
and so on. And I think most people know that who are not ideological.
See, what choice can't give is meaning. What meaning can you find in the
fact that all your society offers you is endless choices which you can
make?
To: Perspectives
Issue 62
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